Song & Yuan

The Yuan in Suzhou: Continued Development

The Yuan Dynasty (元朝) (1271–1368) was an important period in Suzhou’s (苏州) history. After the Mongol regime unified the Jiangnan (江南) region, Pingjiang Prefecture (平江府) (Suzhou (苏州)), as a crucial southeastern financial center, experienced a tortuous course from wartime destruction to recovery and development. Despite the ethnic discrimination and class oppression under Yuan rule, Suzhou leveraged its superior natural geography and deep economic foundations to continue advancing in agriculture, handicrafts, commerce, and transportation. The introduction and popularization of cotton cultivation, the spread of cotton textile technology, the development of maritime trade, and the emergence of the Dongting (洞庭) merchant group were all significant markers of Suzhou’s economic development during this period. Meanwhile, the Great Zhou (大周) regime established by Zhang Shicheng (张士诚) brought relative stability and prosperity to Suzhou, leaving a profound historical imprint.

When the Yuan army advanced south and captured Suzhou, the city suffered severe war trauma. In the late Southern Song period (南宋时期), Suzhou, as a crucial financial center of the Song, experienced the devastation of warfare. After the Yuan Dynasty was established, it enforced strict ethnic discrimination policies, dividing the national population into four classes: Mongols (蒙古人), Semuren (色目人) (various Central Asian peoples), Hanren (汉人) (northern Chinese), and Nanren (南人) (southern Chinese). Suzhou residents, classified as “Nanren,” occupied the bottom stratum of society and faced numerous restrictions in politics, law, and social life.

The Yuan government stipulated that important central and local official positions must be held by Mongols or Semuren. Han Chinese could only serve as deputy officials, while Nanren faced even greater exclusion. Legally, different classes received different punishments for crimes. If a Mongol beat a Nanren, the Nanren could not fight back; if a Mongol killed a Nanren, the offender only received a light punishment. This discriminatory policy severely suppressed the political enthusiasm of Han Chinese scholars and exacerbated social tensions.

The Yuan Dynasty implemented the provincial system (xingsheng) at the local level, with Suzhou belonging to the Jiangzhe Xingsheng (江浙行省). In 1276, the Yuan government changed Pingjiang (平江) Prefecture to Pingjiang Lu (平江路) (Circuit), establishing a general administration office to manage local affairs. Pingjiang Lu governed Wu County (吴县) and Changzhou (Cháng Zhou xian, the prefectural county co-located inside Suzhou—not the unrelated northern prefecture spelled the same way), later adding Changshu Zhou (常熟州), Wujiang Zhou (吴江州), and Kunshan Zhou (昆山州). The Yuan classified prefectures with over 50,000 households as “upper prefectures,” and all prefectures under Pingjiang Lu were upper prefectures, demonstrating their importance.

The Yuan established supervisory institutions at the local level called Xing Yushi Tai (Traveling Censorate). The Jiangnan Xing Tai was established, with various Su Zheng Lian Fang Si (Surveillance and Integrity Offices) under its jurisdiction. Pingjiang Lu belonged to the Jiangzhe Dao under the Jiangnan Xing Tai. The establishment of these supervisory organs strengthened oversight of local officials and played a certain role in preventing corruption. However, overall Yuan governance was corrupt, and the effectiveness of these supervisory bodies was quite limited.

After unifying Jiangnan, Yuan aristocrats and landlords intensified their plundering of production resources. The Yuan government confiscated Southern Song (南宋) official lands as state property and seized lands belonging to former bureaucratic aristocrats. So-called “official lands” were often allocated to officials as “position lands” (zhitian). While ostensibly allocated from “idle official wastelands,” in practice these often included fertile lands, and sometimes even hereditary lands that farmers had reclaimed since the Song period. The government also used official funds to forcibly purchase “Jiangnan civilian lands.”

Yuan rulers frequently granted official lands to bureaucratic aristocrats and religious institutions. In 1329, for example, 150 qing of Pingjiang official land was granted to the Da Longxiang Jiqing Temple and the Da Chongxi Wanshou Temple. Some aristocrats and officials used their power to seize common people’s properties. Wang Huchen, the Pingjiang Circuit (平江路) administrator, “forcibly purchased much farmland and allowed his guests to engage in illicit profiteering.” Zhu Qing and Zhang Xuan, maritime transport officials, used their power and wealth to forcibly purchase civilian lands. Local magnates also took advantage of the chaos to occupy former Song official lands or enclose lakes and rivers as farmland, causing flood disasters in areas like Dianshan Lake (淀山湖) and the Wusong River (吴淞江).

After Kublai Khan established the Yuan Dynasty, the Mongol regime began implementing Sinicization policies, improving and reforming government institutions. The central government established the Zhongshu Sheng (Central Secretariat) to administer national affairs, the Shumiyuan (Privy Council) for military affairs, and the Yushi Tai (Censorate) for supervision and justice. At the local level, the xingsheng (province), lu (circuit), fu (prefecture), zhou (department), and xian (county) system strengthened administrative unity.

Influenced by the highly developed agricultural economies of the Central Plains (中原) and Jiangnan, the Yuan government gradually abandoned nomadic economic practices and began emphasizing agriculture. The central government established the Da Sinong Si (Grand Agriculture Office), headed by a second-rank official, and sent agricultural supervisors throughout the land to develop farming. While vigorously promoting cultivation, the Yuan also implemented military and civilian colony systems to develop production and solve military food supply issues, providing poor colonists with oxen, tools, and seeds. To increase tenant farmers’ productivity, rents were reduced by 20%. In 1286, the Yuan promulgated the “Nongsang Jiyao” (Essentials of Agriculture and Sericulture), widely disseminating advanced agricultural techniques.

Under popular pressure, the Yuan government abolished certain oppressive policies and repeatedly prohibited the seizure of civilian lands by aristocrats, bureaucrats, and landlords. Tax collection in Jiangnan was divided into summer and autumn installments with relatively reasonable rates. Initially, “taxes were light and simple; the people only paid land tax, with no other levies.” The tax burden was less than half that of the Song Dynasty (宋朝), and “punishments and taxes were consistently light.” The Yuan also established educational officials, organized schools, founded academies, and promoted community schools (shexue), showing a progressive aspect to Yuan rule.

First, the government emphasized people’s livelihood and land reclamation. In 1283, Zhao Quanzhen, as Pingjiang Circuit administrator, oversaw the reclamation of over 630 qing of wasteland, increasing registered households to 970. Second, dikes and bridges were constructed to facilitate transportation. In 1328, when floods inundated farmland, Sun Bogong, the Wujiang (吴江) prefect, raised funds to repair stone embankments and replace wooden bridges with stone ones. Third, city walls were repaired for defense. In 1352, as warfare began, the Pingjiang city wall was rebuilt with five water gates. Fourth, famine relief was implemented. In 1286, when Suzhou experienced floods, Lei Ying, the judicial commissioner, requested 200,000 shi of grain from the court for disaster relief. The Yuan government implemented relief measures during multiple floods and famines in Suzhou.

After occupying Jiangnan, the Yuan made some political reforms, abolishing the privileges of jiazhu (household heads) and prohibiting powerful families from annexing land. Some capable officials in Suzhou followed court directives and Confucian norms to equalize tax burdens. During the Huangqing and Yanyou periods (1312–1320), when some Jiangzhe officials attempted to remeasure land and increase tax rates, Liu Yun, the Pingjiang Circuit administrator, protested: “Land has fertile and barren plots; people have rich and poor households—how can they be treated uniformly?” This prevented increased burdens on the people.

Liu Yun insisted that labor service should correspond to actual land holdings, making taxes fair. In 1320, Shiduo Lietu continued Liu Yun’s methods. When some officials deliberately transferred farmers to other jurisdictions for illicit gains, Shiduo Lietu organized labor service from wealthy to poor households in sequence, preventing corruption. For government wine purchases, cash payment was required without arrears. When a merchant transporting grain was accused of tax evasion, Shiduo Lietu ruled that goods outside the market should not be taxed as concealed goods, returning the merchant’s goods—a fair and just decision.

In the late Yuan period, the ruling class became increasingly luxurious, official governance deteriorated, and corruption became rampant. Jiangnan was the nation’s crucial tax base, yet Yuan officials exploited it most heavily with numerous excessive levies. Most Yuan officials were hereditary aristocrats who entered office through “family status” and “connections” rather than merit. They preyed upon the common people, extracting all they could. As a popular saying went: “When cold, one turns to Jiangnan for warmth; when hungry, to Jiangnan for food. Everything is in Jiangnan—yet who says Jiangnan is good?” In the late Yuan period, corruption became even more severe; holding office became an opportunity for embezzlement rather than public service.

Officials at all levels engaged in widespread corruption, openly selling offices and titles. They devised numerous extortion methods including “greeting money,” “holiday money,” “birthday money,” and “farewell money.” In 1303 alone, over 18,000 officials were punished for corruption, involving more than 45,000 ding of silver. Aristocrats and officials used their power to seize common people’s properties. During Emperor Shundi’s (元顺帝) reign, Chancellor Yantiemuer contracted 500 qing of Pingjiang official land with a rent of 10,000 shi but actually collected 100,000 shi, embezzling 90,000 shi. As landlords expanded their holdings and exploitation, people’s lives became increasingly miserable.

Yuan taxes were levied according to wealth in three classes and nine grades, and by occupation such as civilian households, military households, and salt households, each bearing different land taxes and labor services. Land taxes included autumn grain and summer cloth and silk levies. Additional taxes included household taxes and “baoyin” (silver wraps). To cover deficits, the Yuan constantly increased taxes, adding “water transport fees,” “rice tickets,” and “granary consumption” charges. In 1338, the government even briefly restored the “ding shen qian” (per-capita head tax). As the ruling class led decadent lives and intensified exploitation, severe class and ethnic conflicts emerged, leading to uprisings throughout the land.

In the late Yuan period, popular rebellions surged across the land. In 1351, Han Shantong and Liu Futong launched the Red Turban Rebellion during river repair projects, quickly capturing many prefectures in Henan and Huaixi. Zhang Shicheng (1321–1367), known as Jiusi, from Taizhou Baijuchang, worked in salt transport by boat. In January 1353, Zhang led his brothers and 18 stalwarts to kill the archer Qiu Yi who had humiliated him, and burned their residences. Salt laborers suffering from heavy conscription rallied to him, and he was proclaimed leader.

Zhang Shicheng’s army developed to over 10,000 followers. In 1354, he proclaimed himself King Cheng in Gaoyou, establishing the Great Zhou regime with the reign title Tianyou. In 1356, his brother Zhang Shide (张士德) led troops across the Yangtze River (长江) to capture Fushan Port. On New Year’s Day 1356, they captured Changshu (常熟) and then advanced to Pingjiang. The Yuan defending forces were poorly trained peasant conscripts. Zhang Shide, with only 3,000–4,000 troops, drove straight to Pingjiang’s north gate. Yuan adviser Yang Tong died in battle attempting to resist. Zhang Shide thus captured Pingjiang, using Chengtian Temple as the Zhou royal palace.

The Zhang regime implemented new policies. First, it appointed capable officials, assigning eleven people as county magistrates and assistants on the same day, granting them clothing, horses, and grain. Second, Zhang Shicheng emphasized developing people’s livelihood and reducing taxes. Zhang’s leniency won popular support. When he defended Suzhou, the people were willing to die with him. After his death, temples were erected in his memory.

During the Zhizheng period, Zhu Yuanzhang’s (朱元璋) rebel forces gradually rose. In 1356, Zhu captured Jiqing (modern Nanjing (南京)), proclaiming himself Duke of Wu, expanding eastward to Yangzhou (扬州) and Zhenjiang (镇江), bordering Zhang Shicheng’s territory. In July 1356, Zhang’s attacks on Hangzhou (杭州) and Jiaxing failed, so he turned westward. Zhang dispatched naval forces to attack Zhu’s positions at Zhenjiang. Zhu personally led warships in pursuit. Following Zhu’s strategy of “besieging their camps,” Xu Da (徐达) advanced on Changzhou (常州). Zhang Shicheng sent his brother Zhang Shide with tens of thousands of troops to relieve Changzhou. Eighteen li from the city, Zhang Shide fell into Xu Da’s ambush and was captured. Zhang Shicheng requested an exchange, but Zhu refused. Zhang Shide secretly advised his brother to surrender to the Yuan for support, then starved himself to death to preserve his honor.

In October, Zhang Shicheng sent a peace proposal, to which Zhu Yuanzhang replied that 500,000 shi of grain would secure a withdrawal. Zhang did not respond. In November, Zhu reinforced the siege of Changzhou with 20,000 elite troops. Zhang induced Zheng Jin to defect with 7,000 soldiers, but Zhu’s forces counterattacked and defeated the Zhou army. In March 1357, as Xu Da intensified the siege, Zhou commander Lu Zhen fled by night, and Zhu captured Changzhou. Meanwhile, Zhu’s general Geng Bingwen defeated Zhou forces and captured Changxing. Changxing controlled the Taihu (太湖) mouth, and Jiangyin commanded the Yangtze River approach to Zhejiang. With both lost, Pingjiang’s gateways were fully open to Zhu.

After surrendering to the Yuan, Zhang Shicheng had conflicts with Dashi Tiemuer and Yang Wanzhe. Dashi arranged for Zhang to eliminate Yang. Taking advantage of a joint military operation, Zhang launched a surprise attack, killed Yang Wanzhe, and captured Jiaxing and Hangzhou. Though Zhang had risen against Yuan oppression, his 1357 surrender to the Yuan, and subsequent annual transport of over 100,000 shi of grain to the Yuan capital by sea, supported the failing Yuan regime and betrayed his revolutionary cause. Corvée labor was also heavy; in July 1359, he mobilized civilians from four circuits to repair Hangzhou’s walls, greatly losing popular support.

In September 1363, Zhang requested a princely title from the Yuan court but was repeatedly denied. He then proclaimed himself King of Wu, changing the year to the first year of Wu. In October 1365, Zhu Yuanzhang issued a proclamation condemning Zhang for “using Yuan authority while rebelling and surrendering unpredictably.” Zhu’s strategy was first to secure the northern Jiangbei and Huainan (淮南) regions, “clipping his wings before focusing on western Zhejiang.” In January 1366, Zhu’s forces defeated Zhang’s navy, capturing hundreds of officers and 5,000 soldiers. In August 1366, Zhu appointed Xu Da as commander and Chang Yuchun as deputy with 200,000 troops to attack Zhang, following the strategy of “first capturing Huzhou to exhaust his flanks, then moving on Gusu (姑苏) (Suzhou).”

Zhu’s forces captured Nanxun and Wujiang. In September, Zhu ordered Li Wenzheng to attack Hangzhou, where defender Pan Yuanming surrendered. Shaoxing was also pacified. In November 1366, Zhu’s forces advanced on Gusu, clearing outer positions and subordinating surrounding counties. Zhu adopted a strategy of “building long encirclements to besiege the city,” erecting wooden towers as tall as the city’s pagodas and deploying Xiangyang cannons. In January 1367, Zhu captured Songjiang. On May 1, Zhu sent a letter urging Zhang to surrender, but Zhang ignored it. On June 4, Zhang dispatched Xu Yi and Pan Yuanshao to secretly attack Chang Yuchun’s forces. Zhang personally led troops from Shantang Street as reinforcements, but the narrow street prevented advance. When Zhang ordered a slight retreat, Wang Bi charged forward, and Chang Yuchun seized the opportunity to attack, routing Zhang’s forces.

On September 8, the final assault began. Zhang’s generals Tang Jie, Zhou Ren, Xu Yi, and Pan Yuanshao surrendered to Zhu. Zhang’s forces collapsed, and Zhu’s troops scaled the walls. Zhang led remnant forces in battle on East Wanshou Temple Street but was defeated. He rushed home, forced his family to ascend Qiyun Tower to burn themselves, and attempted to hang himself. Xu Da sent Li Bosheng to intervene, rescuing Zhang before he died. Zhang refused to listen to his former subordinates who had surrendered to Zhu, staring silently. He was taken to Jiankang (建康) (Nanjing) and hanged himself at age 47. From his uprising to his defeat, fourteen years had passed. Zhang had struck against Yuan rule, ended Mongol ethnic discrimination, and restored the proper status of Han Chinese. His troops had maintained strict discipline, entering Suzhou without looting, distributing treasury goods to the people, and aiding the poor. Overall, Zhang reduced taxes, cared for people’s livelihood, promoted culture and education, leaving a positive impression on Suzhou’s people.

Because the Yuan government adopted important measures to maintain agriculture—particularly improving water conservancy facilities, strengthening land reclamation, and introducing new crops—agriculture developed to some extent during this period. In early Yuan, Pingjiang frequently suffered from floods. Between 1282 and 1295, there were seven major floods and coastal inundations in just over ten years. Kublai Khan and his successors adopted policies emphasizing agriculture and sericulture as foundations of the state, prioritizing water conservancy in the river-dense Pingjiang region.

Since the Song period, the Wusong River had become the main drainage channel for Lake Tai (太湖), but its outlet gradually silted up until “half became dry land,” impeding drainage. In 1293, due to flooding in western Zhejiang that “submerged farmland and caused disaster,” the government ordered wealthy households to hire tenant farmers to dredge waterways. Imperial decrees ordered the repair of lakes and rivers in Pingjiang and Songjiang. Two hundred thousand laborers were employed to dredge Lake Tai, Dianshan Lake, and the Wusong River. In August 1294, Yuan Chengzong ordered soldiers to re-dredge these waterways and build embankments, resulting in “annual harvests.” In 1298, the Zhexi Dushui Yongtian Shisi (Zhexi Water Conservancy and Paddy Field Office) was established in Pingjiang. In 1304, the Xing Dushui Jian (Traveling Water Conservancy Office) was reestablished to manage Wusong River projects. Following Maritime Route commander Ren Renfa’s advice that river management must “dredge rivers, build banks, and install sluices,” the Zhejiang Administration was ordered to open the Wusong River from Shanghai to Jiading Shiqiao, connecting to the sea—over 38 li long, 1.5 zhang deep, and 25 zhang wide, completed in three months. Between 1323 and 1364, there were at least ten major dredging and polder maintenance projects in Pingjiang and Songjiang.

Especially notable was Zhang Shicheng’s project in 1364 during wartime, mobilizing 100,000 laborers to open the Bimaogang—90 li long and 36 zhang wide—under Left Chancellor Lu Zhen’s supervision. “The people praised its benefits in song, and it was successfully completed,” preventing floods for over ten years. Yuan water conservancy projects managed Lake Tai’s (太湖) water accumulation, dredged the Wusong River, and secured polder safety, ensuring Suzhou’s agricultural harvests.

Second, polder (weitian) fields were managed. Enclosing water to create farmland was utilizing natural geographic conditions. Yuan-era Suzhou had 8,829 polders. But since the Song period, the enormous profits from polders caused disputes. Overdevelopment raised water levels and caused flooding, so management was necessary. Water field expert Ren Renfa noted: “Western Zhejiang land is lower than the rest of the world; Suzhou and Huzhou are lower than western Zhejiang; Dianshan Lake is lower than Suzhou and Huzhou.” Creating polders required digging low fields deeper and using the soil to raise embankments, transforming lake areas into fertile fields. Thus rivers had to be opened and embankments built—dredging for drainage and building banks to control water. In the early Zhida period (1308–1311), the Jiangzhe Administration established polder regulations. Embankments were divided into five grades, from 7.5 chi at water level to 4 chi for the fifth grade, creating standardized construction methods. The polders’ internal channels facilitated irrigation, and “one harvest’s surplus” could supply neighboring prefectures, creating permanent benefits.

Third, the Grand Canal (大运河) was dredged and sluices were built. To control Lake Tai’s water flow, diverting it to the Yangtze River and East China Sea (东海), in 1324 the Zhenjiang administration requested dredging of the Lianhu Canal section. The canal connected with the crisscrossing internal rivers of the city. Through continuous maintenance, the Grand Canal became Suzhou’s crucial material distribution channel and economic lifeline. The Yuan government combined tangpu (pond and canal) polder management with major river dredging, safeguarding agricultural production and providing favorable conditions for economic development.

Through generations of careful cultivation, high-quality rice varieties increased greatly, to the point of being “too numerous to enumerate.” In the Lake Tai basin and Jiangnan, there were 16 popular large-grain rice (japonica) varieties including “Xiangzi,” “Jiyu,” “Huibai,” “Shigu,” “Bayuebai,” “Luhuabai,” “Langlibai,” “Bailianzi,” “Honglianzi,” “Zaohonglian,” and “Lazhi,” plus six small-grain rice (indica) varieties and nine glutinous rice varieties. This diversity resulted from inherited traditional varieties, transplantation from distant regions, and crossbreeding.

Agricultural implements, as an important component of productive forces, saw significant development and improvement. Wang Zhen’s “Nong Shu: Nongqi Tupu” (Agricultural Treatise: Illustrated Agricultural Implements) recorded 266 types of implements. Some were particularly suited to Suzhou. Suzhou’s soil was heavy and sticky, difficult to turn, so an implement called “tiecuo” (iron plowshare) was invented, using leverage principles with a long handle and short teeth to turn soil efficiently. The “yundang” was a weeding implement for rice fields, shaped like wooden clogs or boats, which farmers used to “push and scatter weeds and mud between rice ridges, making the fields finely cultivated.” Fertilizer knowledge also improved; Yuan farmers recognized that fresh manure or excessive manure could harm crops, so moderate use of well-ripened manure was recommended for optimal fertility.

Due to effective production measures, Suzhou’s total and per-mu grain yields increased. The Jiangzhe Xingsheng’s annual grain revenue reached 4,494,783 shi, over one-third of the national total, with 3,000,000 shi transported to the capital. In 1317, Suzhou’s autumn grain tax reached 882,150 shi. In the late Yuan, Suzhou grain had not reached the capital due to warfare, causing famine in Dadu (大都). From 1359, Zhang Shicheng began shipping 110,000 shi annually to the capital, resupplying it.

The Yuan Dynasty was when cotton cultivation was extensively introduced to Suzhou. The government issued the “Nongsang Jiyao,” which specifically introduced cotton cultivation methods and vigorously promoted it. Suzhou’s cotton cultivation spread from Fujian and Guangdong during the Song period, developing rapidly in Songjiang and along the Yangtze River during the Yuan. “About fifty li east of Songjiang Prefecture (松江府) is Wunijing, where the land is barren and food insufficient; the people therefore sought planting methods for their livelihood, obtaining seeds from there.” From Songjiang it spread to Suzhou’s Taicang (太仓), Jiading, and Changshu, densely planted along rivers and lakes on elevated lowlands. Cotton cultivation techniques gradually improved and spread northward. Due to cotton development and government military consumption needs, the Yuan established Cotton Intendant Offices throughout Jiangnan, collecting 100,000 bolts of cotton cloth from the people. In 1296, cotton cloth was included among Jiangnan’s summer tax items.

Mulberry cultivation was the foundation of the silk industry, and growing mulberry was extremely common in Suzhou. Nearly every rural household planted mulberries and raised silkworms. Late Yuan Suzhou poet Gao Qi described the hardships of mulberry picking and silkworm rearing: “East and west neighbors cease their visits; the feeding sun casts deep window shadows with tenfold sounds. Second-instar silkworms rise to eat many leaves; mulberry trees on the path are stripped bare. The new wife guards the trays, the daughter carries baskets, hair uncombed for a month of toil. After the San Gu sacrifice, this year’s harvest is good; clusters full as clouds ripen early. Before the eaves, reeling wheels urgently spin silk—again the summer tax comes pressing.” San Gu was a deity worshipped in Wu for protecting mulberries. These poems reflect the hard work of Suzhou’s rural mulberry and silkworm culture.

Hemp, a traditional textile material, was also widely cultivated in Suzhou, especially ramie, a warmth-loving crop. Hemp cultivation and weaving were important rural sidelines. Tea was planted throughout Suzhou’s hilly areas, making it one of the nation’s famous tea-producing regions in the Yuan period. Gao Qi’s “Tea Picking Lyrics” described the tea harvesting and processing in Suzhou and Jiangnan. Suzhou’s fruit cultivation was renowned, especially subtropical fruits like citrus, loquat, and bayberry. Ornamental flowers and plants became important commercial products; potted plants and flower selling became thriving industries in Suzhou. As Gao Qi described: “Green pots with small well-trimmed branches bloom earlier than others. On the path, spring breeze carries the peddler’s call; beauties emerge from curtains hearing the cry. Moved away, fear not the flowers’ survival; sold, yet the growing secrets pass along. Fragrance fills the road at sunset, bees and butterflies still following home.”

During the Southern Song, cotton had gradually spread from Hainan and Fujian-Guangdong to the Jianghuai (江淮) region. In the Yuan period, Huang Daopo, a Songjiang commoner woman, returned from Hainan Island to her hometown Wunijing in Songjiang, bringing Hainan Li people’s cotton cultivation and weaving techniques. The Li people had long possessed advanced cotton planting and weaving skills, producing “Li curtains,” “Li sheets,” “Li ornaments,” saddle blankets, flower quilts, and fine cloths that were popular in the interior. After returning, Huang Daopo “taught the manufacture of ginning, bowing, spinning, and weaving tools. As for yarn arrangement, color matching, and patterned weaving, each had its method. Therefore, quilts, bedding, belts, and sashes were woven with broken branches, round phoenixes, chess patterns, and characters, bright as if painted.” Wunijing people “having learned, competed in production, selling to other prefectures, their families becoming prosperous.” After her death, locals gratefully erected a temple in her honor.

The textile tools Huang Daopo taught corresponded to those recorded in Wang Zhen’s “Nong Shu.” These included the cotton-bowing tool (a bow about four chi long with a curved upper section and rigid lower section, “strung with cord to fluff cotton”), the cotton-rolling tool (juan yan), and the spinning wheel (“spinning on the wheel produces cotton thread”). Huang Daopo’s time already had pattern-weaving (tihua) technology. These implements formed a complete system from raw cotton to woven cloth. Her spinning and weaving techniques rapidly spread throughout Jiangnan; Jiangyin’s heavy cloth became famous. Dyeing and printing technology also improved, producing blue-patterned cloth with designs of courtyard paintings, reed geese, and flowers. This technique reportedly originated overseas: “Wu people skillfully imitated it, dyeing wooden cotton cloth in blue patterns that remained fast after long washing, used for cushions and bedding.”

Compared to silk, cotton required no sericulture labor and guaranteed harvests, spreading astonishingly fast in Jiangzhe. As early as 1296, the state made cotton a regular tax item. The Yuan’s annual cotton production was half from Jiangzhe. Undoubtedly, the Suzhou-Songjiang region was China’s cotton textile center during the Yuan period.

Yuan Dynasty Suzhou (元代苏州) was one of the most important silk production centers. Due to its own consumption needs, the Yuan government strengthened silk weaving management, establishing Intendant Offices under the Jianghuai Financial Commission, with Weaving and Dyeing Bureaus below them to manage silk production. Pingjiang was one of the important Intendant Offices. Its Weaving and Dyeing Bureau, located south of Pingqiao, had hundreds of looms and hundreds of craftsmen. The government paid particular attention to silk quality; the Jiangzhe Administration’s summer satin was once ordered to compensate for quality failures. Official silk production, with superior equipment and concentrated technical expertise, served as a model for the industry.

Silk production also spread throughout urban and rural areas, with silk trading becoming a major market town business. Most silk for government taxation was purchased from the people through “hemai” (negotiated purchase). To coordinate sales, in 1295 the Wujun Jiye Gongsuo (Suzhou Weaving Guild) was established at Xuanmiao Temple. Marco Polo recorded that Suzhou “produces vast quantities of raw silk made into satins, not only supplying local consumption so that everyone wears silk, but also selling to other markets.” This shows Suzhou silk production was mainly by individual households, with high clothing penetration. Not only Suzhou itself but also its subordinate prefectures were important silk centers: “Wuzhou (吴州) (modern Wujiang) also produces much raw silk, with many merchants and craftsmen. The satin produced here is of the finest quality, sold throughout the province.”

Yuan silk products became more exquisite than before, popularizing gold and silver thread decorations. The famous Yunjin (cloud brocade) of the Ming and Qing dynasties developed from Yuan “zhijin” (brocade with gold thread, or “nashishi”). Five-color satin produced during the Yuan was sold throughout China and exported overseas, with leading national craftsmanship. In 1964, excavations at the late Yuan tomb of Zhang Shicheng’s mother at Panxi Primary School in Wu County revealed numerous silk products including brocade, satin, silk, damask, and gauze garments and bedding. The patterns were vivid; one thin silk-cotton robe featured five-harness satin weave with continuous key-fret patterns as ground and floral designs with gold thread, extremely exquisite. Suzhou’s silk production was abundant. When the city fell, Zhang Shicheng opened granaries to distribute grain widely, released palace women, and distributed thirteen storehouses of satin and silk to city elders. He also took over twenty types of precious clothing to Wolong Street and burned them. The abundance of Zhang’s stored satin and silk demonstrates the high production volume of Suzhou’s silk and cotton textiles.

The Yuan government highly valued shipbuilding because inland grain transport was unstable due to natural conditions like floods, so maritime transport was gradually developed. Maritime Commissioner Luo Bi was ordered to create large flat-bottomed seagoing vessels, later called “zheyang chuan” (ocean-covering ships), essentially sand ships. About five kilometers outside the seawall in Nanhui County, Shanghai, a Yuan Dynasty ship anchor was excavated. Though heavily corroded, its basic form was clear: the shank was elongated with a ring at the top for rope attachment; the flukes were spear-shaped, forming acute angles with the shank, reinforced with iron filling and an iron band. Weighing 12 kilograms, it was suitable for large-tonnage ships. Yuan Suzhou shipbuilding and repair were concentrated in port areas. In modern coastal Taicang, a large iron clamp used for securing ship masts is preserved—178 centimeters in diameter, 87 centimeters high, 164 centimeters at the base, weighing hundreds of jin. This massive iron fixture proves the considerable scale of Yuan seagoing vessels.

Due to advances in papermaking and printing technology, Suzhou’s book publishing industry developed relatively well despite the overall cultural decline of the Yuan period. Currently verifiable Suzhou publications number over 30 types, about one-tenth of the national Yuan total. Yuan book publishing emphasized Buddhist scriptures; official publishing focused on classics and histories, while private publishing concentrated on poetry and prose collections. The completion of the “Qisha Zang” (Qisha Buddhist Canon) in 1322 marked a major achievement for Pingjiang publishing, a significant event in Buddhist printing history with far-reaching influence. Other notable works include the “Zhanguo Ce Jiaozhu” (Annotated Warring States Strategies) in ten volumes published by Pingjiang Confucian School in 1365, acclaimed as the finest edition; Fan Shi’s Suihan Hall editions of “Fan Wenzheng Gong Ji” and “Fan Zhongxuan Gong Wenji” in 20 volumes each; and the “Wujun Zhi” (Gazetteer of Wu Prefecture) in 30 volumes published by Pingjiang Confucian School.

Printing quality was closely related to paper; Suzhou’s produced “jianzhi” (cocoon paper) was waxy in color, smooth and lustrous on both sides, considered top quality. Combined with superb printing technology, Suzhou editions featured neat characters and fine carving, displaying the region’s distinctive craftsmanship.

In the Yuan Dynasty, Suzhou’s gold and silver artifacts inherited Song styles in form and decoration. Beyond daily utensils, they included scholarly implements and various decorative objects. Silver boxes (lian) excavated from Wu County’s Li Shimeng’s tomb bore the name of engraver Wen Xuan. Among the four famous silver craftsmen of Zhexi, two were Pingjiang’s Xie Junyu and Xie Junhe brothers. Another notable artisan was Zhu Huayu (style name Baishan), originally from Jiashan Weitang but residing in Pingjiang, who was “skilled at forging and created the most exquisite wine vessels.” He crafted a silver “cha” (raft) wine cup shaped like an old tree branch with a bearded Daoist sitting at the root—unique in conception and vivid in form. During the Ming and Qing, owning Zhu Baishan’s silverwork was a mark of distinction. In the tomb of Zhang Shicheng’s mother, Lady Cao, exquisite gold hair ornaments and a set of silver vessels were unearthed. A 24.3-centimeter silver “lian” box was extremely refined, with inner compartments, peony and spring-welcoming flower patterns on the lid, silver scissors in the upper layer, four silver round boxes in the middle layer, and semicircular silver basins and powder containers in the lower layer, all extremely delicate. A silver mirror stand was carved with phoenix and peony patterns, representing nationally leading craftsmanship.

Suzhou’s winemaking industry was also renowned in the Yuan period due to its high-quality rice (xiangjingdao) and excellent water sources like Huqiu (虎丘) Spring. Combined with Suzhou people’s ingenuity, fine wines were produced. Therefore, the Yuan government specially established the Maritime Transport Fragrant Glutinous Rice Thousand-Household Office in Pingjiang to manage “fragrant rice” transport for winemaking in the capital. Dadu’s winemaking not only sourced materials from Pingjiang but also employed technical craftsmen from Jiangnan. Suzhou’s expertise extended to rice and noodle foods and fish products. Perch slices (luyu kuai) and shrimp paste (xiazi zha) were particularly famous. During the Yanyou period (1314–1320), Suzhou officials presented these as tribute items. The production continued Song traditions: perch slices used perch meat with fragrant and purple flower leaves, mixed with some white fish, seasoned with “yixifu” (a type of pepper).

To strengthen regional control, the Yuan government established a post road (yidao) system. From the capital Dadu, post roads connected to all provinces, then to circuits, prefectures, departments, and counties, forming a transportation network. The post road to Suzhou began at the capital, passing through Tongzhou, Tianjin, Cangzhou, Dezhou, Jinan, Yanzhou, Xuzhou (徐州), Huaiyin, Yangzhou, Zhenjiang, Changzhou, and Wuxi (无锡) before reaching Suzhou, then continuing to Hangzhou and connecting to Ningbo and Fuzhou. Between Dezhou and Xuzhou, one could also travel via Liaocheng, Dongping, and Jining. This land route basically paralleled the Grand Canal, serving as the main southeast artery from Dadu and laying the foundation for official roads in the Ming and Qing dynasties.

Suzhou’s inland water transportation centered on the Grand Canal and Yangtze River. The Yuan Grand Canal was the nation’s “golden waterway,” managed by the central water conservancy office Dushui Jian, with Xing Dushui Jian (Traveling Water Conservancy Offices) established in certain areas like Pingjiang and Songjiang for construction and maintenance. Canal transportation was managed by the Cao Yun Si (Grain Transport Office), primarily shipping grain. After the Jizhou Canal and Huitong River were opened in 1289, the Beijing-Hangzhou Grand Canal was formally established. Suzhou’s large quantities of materials, especially grain, were transported to Dadu via the canal. The Suzhou Canal section (苏州段运河) from Wangting to Quanze Southeast was about 80 kilometers, serving as the crucial middle section of the Jiangnan Canal (江南运河). In the Suzhou area, it connected to Lake Tai through the Xu River and to the sea through the Lou River (娄江) and Wusong River, while also connecting with the crisscrossing internal city waterways. Through continuous maintenance, the Grand Canal became Suzhou’s crucial material distribution channel and economic lifeline.

The Yangtze River was another important inland waterway near Suzhou. Grain, tung oil, bristles, and other goods from the middle and upper Yangtze reaches continuously flowed to Jiangnan via Zhenjiang, Fushan, Hupu, and Liujiagang; while Jiangnan’s silk and cotton textiles were distributed nationwide through the Yangtze. The interconnected Yangtze and canal waterways enabled material circulation throughout the Wu region (吴地).

Yuan maritime transport used sand ships for coastal shipping. Sea transport became the main method for grain shipping because ships could carry large loads efficiently, though with greater risks. Over the first 50 years of the dynasty, maritime grain transport grew from 42,000 shi to 3,500,000 shi, far exceeding land and canal transport. Sea routes changed over time. Early Yuan shipments departed from Taicang’s Liujiakang (modern Liuhe), passing Haimen, Wanli Changsha, Yancheng, and Haining (modern Lianyungang) before reaching Shandong and Hebei. In 1292, a new route was opened: from Liujiakang, passing Chongming (崇明) Sand Banks to open sea, heading east into the Black Water Ocean (黑水洋), taking Chengsan, turning west to Liujia Island, then to Shamen Island in Dengzhou (登州), entering the Jie River from Laizhou Ocean. This new route used straighter lines, and with favorable winds, the journey took only about ten days.

Sea transport meant “the people were spared towing labor, while the state accumulated rich stores.” Compared to land transport, costs were reduced by 70–80%; compared to canal transport, by 30–40%. Therefore, the Yuan frequently used sea transport. Initially, Zhu Qing and Zhang Xuan directed maritime transport as wanhu (myriarchs), “favored by the emperor, granted printing rights for banknotes, allowed to mint their own currency, becoming wealthier than the royal household.” Pingjiang’s Liujiakang was an important maritime port, capable of accommodating 10,000-hu ships and connecting to Japan and other countries. Bimaogang, northeast of Changshu, was also a departure point for maritime branch routes. In 1316, to reduce Liujiakang’s shipping pressure, vessels from Songjiang, Wenzhou, Taizhou, Qingyuan, and Shaoxing were concentrated there for overseas departure. For safety and to avoid accidents like reef collisions, the Yuan established beacon ships at the Wudi Yangtze River mouth’s western sand banks, with signal flags to guide navigation.

Suzhou in the Yuan period was a junction for land, river, and sea transport, an important station on the Grand Canal, a crucial center in the lower Yangtze River section, and a departure point for coastal navigation. Suzhou played a connecting role in the interior land-water and maritime transport network. With crisscrossing waterways and proximity to the ocean, Suzhou led the nation in shipbuilding technology and river and maritime navigation skills. Some coastal navigators were born in Suzhou, such as Xu Xingzu, Hang Hegui, and Shen Leifeng of Taicang, who managed grain transport and were renowned for their mastery of routes and navigation techniques.

The Dongting Merchant Group, also called the Suzhou Merchant Group, was one of China’s famous merchant groups, originating from Dongting’s East and West Hills in Suzhou. Because these hills produced abundant fruit, nuts, and aquatic products but insufficient grain, combined with convenient water transport, Dongting people developed mercantile traditions. In the Northern Song (北宋), Xishan’s Xia Yuanfu became wealthy through commerce. In the early Southern Song, northern immigrants settling in Xishan often chose commerce over official careers. In the Yuan period, Wang Weizhen inherited his family’s mercantile experience, traveling extensively and mastering finance and accumulation techniques, respected as a commerce master. The late Yuan Dongting magnate Lu Daoyuan, whose “goods ranked first under heaven,” also studied Confucianism and served as academy head at Qingli (modern Luzhi), embodying the “scholar-merchant” ideal. Ye Dewen, who accompanied his father to the Huai River (淮河) region from youth, also gained rich experience. The long-term commercial activities of Dongting people accumulated experience and trained talent, preparing conditions for the Dongting Merchant Group’s formation.

During the Yuan period, Suzhou’s foreign trade developed by leaps and bounds because the Yuan, as a Mongol-founded regime controlling much of Eurasia, strengthened East-West exchanges. Suzhou’s foreign trade mainly operated through Liujiakang and Bimaogang. Located at the mouths of the Lou River and Bimaoshui, they connected southwest to Kunshan (昆山) and Suzhou, south to Hangzhou, and west through the Yangtze and canals to all parts of the country. Most importantly, through Chongming waters they connected to Japan and Southeast Asia. Because Liujiakang “connected to overseas foreign ships, with tribute-bearing barbarian merchants gathered like horns, it was called the ‘Six Nations Dock.’” The Yuan established a Wanhu Office to manage maritime grain transport and a Maritime Trade Office (Shibosi) to manage overseas trade. Imported goods included spices, medicines, treasures, furs, and gems; exports included silk, porcelain, tea, and cotton textiles—an unprecedented prosperity.

In overseas trade development, Suzhou produced many wealthy merchants. Early Yuan’s most famous were Zhu Qing and Zhang Xuan. They were sworn brothers engaged in maritime trade and piracy. After Yuan unification, they were recruited as Maritime Grain Transport Wanhu officials, initially shipping tens of thousands of shi annually, later reaching over 3,000,000 shi. “The Zhu and Zhang families could trade with various foreign regions, occupying official interests, selling seized goods, their residences magnificent in Wu.” Their wealth rivaled the state; their relatives all held high office. Another famous figure was Shen Wansan. Around 1307, due to plague in Jiangzhe, his father Shen You moved from Huzhou to Zhouzhuang (周庄) in Changzhou County (长洲县), reclaiming and farming land, “skilled in fertilization and irrigation methods,” thus developing extensive landholdings. Shen Wansan had financial genius, accumulating capital and expanding to thousands of qing of land. He also “developed trade products, buying and selling in Nanyang, Japan, and Ryukyu.” Shen Wansan, with “wealth in the tens of millions, landholdings throughout the empire,” was the “richest household in Jiangnan,” his clothing and utensils rivaling royalty. In the Ming, for contributing to one-third of the capital city’s construction costs and volunteering for military service, he aroused Zhu Yuanzhang’s suspicion and was exiled to Yunnan. Adapting to the times through overseas trade, Shen Wansan amassed great fortune, becoming known as the “God of Wealth.” The emergence of such maritime trade magnates further propelled Suzhou’s foreign trade development.

Suzhou, located at the heart of the Lake Tai basin with connections to the Yangtze and sea, was consistently a southeastern center of handicrafts and commerce. The city had numerous tall buildings and shops lining the streets, with crowds of people and magnificent temples. Marco Polo called it an “earthly city,” noting that Suzhou people “engaged only in industry and commerce, in which they indeed showed considerable skill. Had their courage matched their cleverness, with their vast population they could not only conquer the province but aspire to farther regions.” This indicates Suzhou’s large population and commercial foundation. Marco Polo also recorded that Suzhou governed “16 large and wealthy cities and towns, where commerce and crafts flourished brilliantly.” Suzhou was also a gathering place for scholars and talented physicians. From Marco Polo’s records, we can see Suzhou’s prosperous markets and comprehensive development in the late Yuan period.

Suzhou’s subordinate counties—Wujiang, Kunshan, Changshu, and Jiading—were all elevated to zhou status in the Yuan. Wujiang produced abundant raw silk with many merchants and craftsmen; its silk products sold well everywhere. Due to maritime transport development, port towns emerged along the Yangtze and coast. Taicang was “a harbor for tribute ships, with merchants converging, the people prosperous.” Ships from Ryukyu, Japan, and Goryeo gathered at Taicang, called “the foremost metropolis under heaven” and “the premier region of the southeast.” Poet Xie Yingfang described Taicang’s commercial prosperity: “By willow streams, travelers’ boats are moored; after peach blossom rains, willows scatter flowers. Eastern winds circle the Huaihai corner; day and night, tide sounds race over white sand. Maritime goods fill the roads; river treasures outweigh fish and shrimp. At the Tianfei Temple, dark jades are offered; grain transport drums beat wildly as ships set sail.” Liujiakang’s development was entirely created by maritime trade. Originally “a mere hamlet with few residents,” it became a market because “foreign ships connected overseas, barbarian merchants bearing tribute gathered like horns.”

Other port towns included Bimaogang, Fushan, and Hupu. In the Yuan, prosperous market towns along transportation routes established Xunjian Si (patrol offices) for security. Xunjian Si were established in Changshu’s Qing’an, Fushan, and Hupu; in Wu County’s Huguan, Mudou, Lukou, and Luzhi; and in Wujiang’s Tongli and Pingwang. New towns also emerged. Zhouzhuang, settled by Southern Song refugees, grew denser over time; in the mid-to-late Yuan, Shen Wansan’s father Shen You moved there, and it became a market town. Changshu’s Luyuan, at the confluence of Yantie Tang and Sanzhangpu, grew as shops and craftsmen increased. Dongbang Town developed when Dong Yi settled there in 1328. Luodian, east of Jiading on the Suzhou-Songjiang route, was built up by local Luo Sheng during the Zhiyuan period, known as “where merchants gather.” Huangdu, 45 li south of Jiading bordering Qingpu, had a Maritime Trade Office during the Yuan; in the Dade period, “population and goods daily increased, merchants daily gathered.” The rise of these towns promoted economic and cultural exchange, connecting urban and rural areas.

After conquering the Song and unifying China, the Yuan implemented large-scale currency reform, redeeming Song paper currency and prohibiting copper coins, then uniformly issuing Zhongtong banknotes printed on copper plates in increased volumes. Initially there were 11 denominations from 5 wen to 2 guan. For several years, as society was relatively stable and the economy developed, purchasing power remained relatively stable, facilitating Suzhou’s commercial activities and attracting northern merchants to Jiangnan. However, as issuance surged, prices skyrocketed. In 1310 and 1350, currency reforms and attempts to restore copper coins, combined with renewed paper money issuance, destroyed the original currency ratios and caused turmoil, contributing to the Yuan’s overthrow.

The history of Yuan Dynasty Suzhou is one of seeking development paths under the dual pressures of ethnic oppression and class exploitation, relying on deep economic foundations and superior geographic conditions. Although Mongol rule brought war trauma and ethnic discrimination, the Yuan government’s agricultural emphasis, water conservancy projects, and transportation development during certain periods created conditions for Suzhou’s agricultural, handicraft, and commercial recovery and growth. The introduction of cotton cultivation and popularization of cotton textile technology were among the most important economic transformations in Yuan Suzhou, not only changing agricultural structures but also profoundly influencing the direction of handicraft development and people’s lifestyles.

The existence of Zhang Shicheng’s regime was a special chapter in Yuan Suzhou history. Although Zhang ultimately failed, his policies of light taxation, cultural and educational development, and improving people’s livelihood during his Suzhou period won popular support and affection. The people’s remembrance of Zhang Shicheng, and customs like “Jiang Zhang” (speaking Zhang’s language), reflect the regime’s unique place in Suzhou people’s hearts. The warfare of the Yuan-Ming transition, while destructive, also laid foundations for new development. Suzhou’s further prosperity in the Ming Dynasty (明朝) was built upon the foundations established during the Yuan period.

The achievements of Yuan Suzhou in agriculture, handicrafts, commerce, and transportation—particularly the development of cotton textiles, the prosperity of maritime trade, and the emergence of the Dongting Merchant Group—all laid solid foundations for Suzhou to become one of the nation’s most important economic and cultural centers in the Ming and Qing dynasties. The wealth, technology, and commercial networks accumulated in Yuan Suzhou became important preconditions for the sprouts of capitalism in Jiangnan during the Ming Dynasty. Therefore, in-depth study of Yuan Suzhou history holds significant academic value and practical significance for understanding the historical development of Suzhou and the broader Jiangnan region.